Chinese officials have in recent months abruptly decided to re-engage with their U.S. counterparts after previously stonewalling efforts at dialogue, Kurt Campbell, deputy assistant to the president and coordinator for Indo-Pacific Affairs, has told The Wire China.
“It wasn’t very long ago that China was arguing that no, we’re not going to engage with the United States anymore. And suddenly, that changed a few months ago,” Campbell says in an in-depth interview with Bob Davis that can be read here.
China’s willingness to re-engage with the U.S. government has led to recent trips to Beijing by the U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen. Such trips have aimed to lower the temperature in otherwise tense bilateral relations by opening the lines of communication on issues of shared interest, like economics and climate change, Campbell says.
The increased dialogue has not yet led to substantive new policy agreements or forms of cooperation. But to Campbell, the fact that the two sides are talking at all is a step in the right direction.
“We’ve entered a new period where results have more to do with clear lines of communication and laying out specific areas of anxiety and concern on both sides. Just the act and the fact of greater clarity and understanding is an important signal,” he says. “We believe that a more predictable, judicious set of interactions across a variety of spheres is in our best interests, both diplomatic and financial, and hopefully at some point on the military side.”
In recent months, the Biden administration has attempted to make clear to Beijing that its strategy regarding China is aimed at “narrow de-risking” rather than “broad decoupling,” Campbell says. That distinction is important to the Biden administration because it wants to maintain economic ties with Beijing, even as it hopes to rebalance the relationship to better suit its own interests.
“We think there are many areas of economic pursuits that are critical to both of our economies,” Campbell says. “[But] we have tried to identify a few key technologies where we believe it is critical for the United States to maintain leading-edge capabilities.”
The Biden administration is aware of the critique that its China policies are, in large part, an extension of former President Donald Trump’s administration. It has kept in place or expanded policies that have led to a trade war between the U.S. and China, while imposing restrictions on China’s access to critical semiconductors, and adding military-affiliated and other companies to U.S. sanctions and trade blacklists.
To really make changes on any issue, whether it’s on fentanyl or maritime patrols or trade policy, requires an extremely high level of engagement. That’s what we’ve sought to do.
“Many would say, ‘Oh, gee, you’ve continued the Trump approach.’ But I would say that the big difference is that President Trump saw this as a narrow, bilateral issue, and distrusted allies and partners,” Campbell says. “He treated them quite poorly at times. We’ve sought to diversify, to do it differently.”
Campbell says that Biden’s ability to coordinate with allies in the region is likely behind China’s recent willingness to re-engage with American authorities.
“In many of our discussions they raise quite prominently what we and our allies and partners are doing on technology policy. They are trying to influence some of what we’ve done,” he says.
Other notable quotes:
- On U.S.-India relations:
- “If you ask me what is the most important bilateral relationship for the United States going forward? I believe India is that country. What India offers is deeply significant in terms of technology, the diaspora, educational opportunities, and its desire to play a larger role in the global stage”
- On China’s relationship with Russia:
- “Some would make the argument that somehow the United States has thrust China into Russia’s arms. I would just reject that out of hand. The most important project that Xi Jinping has, other than nation building and the singularity of his power, is to build a deeper relationship with Russia… At the core of that is a desire to check American power.”
- On Xi Jinping and changing diplomacy:
- “Xi Jinping has… [unraveled] decades of mechanisms of collective leadership. Virtually every major decision is taken by him and a small group around him. To really make changes on any issue, whether it’s on fentanyl or maritime patrols or trade policy, requires an extremely high level of engagement. That’s what we’ve sought to do.”
- On Obama’s Asia pivot:
- “We called it the [Asia] pivot [during the Obama administration]… there was the idea that we were pivoting away from Europe and focusing more on the Indo-Pacific. That was a mistake. Everything that the United States has ever done of purpose on the global stage we have done with Europe. “
- On trade:
- “The basic definition of trade and commerce is meant to be something of mutual benefit. But I think increasingly what we see is a state ideology that is about seeking advantage in almost every area of encounter. That’s a difficult reality to grasp and to develop a counter strategy to deal with, but that’s exactly what we’re trying to do.”
Grady McGregor is a staff writer for The Wire China based in Washington, D.C. He was previously a staff writer at Fortune Magazine in Hong Kong, writing features on business, tech, and all things related to China. Before that, he had stints as a journalist and editor in Jordan, Lebanon, and North Dakota. @GradyMcGregor